By John Friend
Regardless of one’s views of Donald Trump, who officially secured the GOP presidential nomination in mid-June by obtaining the 1,237 minimum delegates prior to the Republican convention later this summer, one thing is certain:
He has shaken the political establishment to its very core. Since the populist businessman announced his presidential bid last June, he has been hysterically attacked and denounced by almost every sector of the mainstream political establishment and mass media. Celebrities and popular pundits have ludicrously compared Trump to Adolf Hitler. Feminists have attempted to portray him as a
hateful misogynist. Ethnic activists have hysterically attacked him for his stance on illegal immigration, particularly his desire to deport illegal aliens and build a wall on the southern border. Liberals and conservatives alike have criticized
and berated the politically incorrect billionaire businessman at virtually every opportunity possible. His unorthodox candidacy and expert handling of the mass media have thrown a major wrench in the “politics as usual” that has prevailed in this country for far too long. The political and media establishment in general has characterized Trump as an unserious, egotistical buffoon, despite his increasing popularity and policy proposals. Indeed, Trump’s candidacy and populist talking points are resonating with millions of Americans across the country, as demonstrated by the massive rallies his campaign continues to generate.
Trump has created a movement that is much bigger than his candidacy, something this country has not seen in generations. What Trump has done to shake up Ameri-can politics is obviously terrifying the political establishment, particularly the neoconservative faction that has largely dominated American foreign policy under the past two administrations. Trump’s “America first” foreign policy stance not to mention his critiques of illegal immigration, economic globalization, and free trade—stands in stark contrast to the policies long championed by the neoconservatives. Many independent analysts and commentators are predicting that the disastrous reign of the neoconservatives, who dominated George W. Bush’s administration and still heavily influence the current Obama administration, will finally come to an end should Trump win the White House this fall. Trump has essentially marginalized the leading figures in the neoconservative movement, many of whom have openly announced their support for Hillary Clinton. Some, including Bill Kristol, are attempting to organize a third-party candidate to challenge both Trump and Clinton. In typical fashion, Trump took to Twitter to slam Kristol, referring to the arch neo con and Israel-firster as “an embarrassed loser” and a “lightweight” attempting to set up a “spoiler” independent candidate.
For his part, Kristol announced on Twitter that an “impressive” independent candidate “with a strong team and a real chance” would be forth-coming. Thus far, Kristol and others attempting to organize a third-party challenge to both Trump and Clinton have failed to find a candidate willing to run.
Failed Republican candidate Mitt Romney has also gone above and beyond what is considered normal, doing his best to sabotage Trump’s candidacy as if he doesn’t understand that a Trump defeat will most likely equal a Hillary victory. Who is Romney working for, anyway? Over the course of the past few months, Trump has expounded on his “America first” foreign pol- icy, which views foreign alliances and military interventionism with skepticism and as largely harmful to America’s national interest.
Trump has been openly critical of the Iraq war, which was entirely a result of the machinations of the neoconservatives dominating the Bush administration and their allies in the mass media, and has boldly stated that the war was a mistake
that has destabilized the entire Middle East. He also stated the war was based on lies, which caused major controversy in Republican circles, particularly among the neoconservatives who were so central to spreading the lies and disin- formation used to justify the war in the first place.
“They lied,” Trump stated in a GOP presidential debate in South Carolina earlier this year. “They said there were weapons of mass destruction. There were none, and they knew there were none.” Trump has also been critical of President Obama’s handling of the civil war raging in Syria, which pits Western-backed rebels against the nationalist government of President Bashar al-Assad, who has received support from Russian
President Vladimir Putin. Trump has stated that he would work well with Putin, who has alsobeen in the crosshairs of the Western political establishment for years now. One problem, however, is that, like every other candidate for public office in the United States, Trump has pledged his loyalty and devotion to Israel. Leading Jewish financiers, including super- Zionist gambling mogul Sheldon Adelson, have endorsed Trump and have attempted to persuade
him to visit Israel this summer before the Repub-lican convention. Thus far, Trump has admirably declined their offers.
Given all the disasters the neocons have deliv-ered to America in recent decades, Trump’s moveto distance himself from them and ultimately mar-ginalize the leading figures within the movement should be seen as a very welcome development to all patriotic Americans.On the other hand, Trump is a wild card, who appears ready to say whatever it takes in front of whatever audience he is speaking before to garner support. For instance, in front of Christian groups he decries the homosexual agenda, while in front of more liberal groups he vows to supportall Americans, despite their sexual proclivities. All said, though, he frightens the entrenched establishment, and that is something no other candidate has done in recent memory. And that is in itself the best reason to vote for him.